versing
a three year trend, the Republicans suddenly
look better than their Democratic colleagues in
the House of Representatives. While in 2006, the
House Republicans scored 25 points worse than
their counterparts in the personal liberties
component of the index, this past year, the
House Republicans scored 23 points better. In
both years, and in every year since I started
constructing this index, the House Republicans
scored better in the economic liberties
component.
As to why the House Republicans achieved such
a dramatic change in the personal liberties
component of the index, the answer is obvious:
With the elections of November 2006, the
Republicans are in the minority, and are
opposing Democratic encroachments on personal
liberty. Before those elections, the Republicans
were in the majority, and were trying to use the
coercive powers of the state to advance their
agenda. This should remind us that the
libertarian position is the true moderate
position. Between those who would use the
coercive powers of the state to prohibit a
certain behavior, and those who would use the
coercive powers of the state to mandate that
behavior, stand the libertarians arguing that
each person and each association of persons
should be free to decide for him-, her- and
themselves.
Libertarians are the natural ally of those in
the minority. In contrast, when the social
engineers of either the left or the right
perceive that they have assembled a political
majority, they tend to use the powers of the
state to use criminal sanctions, to tax and
subsidize behaviors, and to control information
to force their values onto others. Accordingly,
in the 1990s, when social conservatives revolted
against the increasingly explicit attempts of
the left to re-shape the country along
secularist lines, affecting a pragmatic
libertarian-conservative coalition made a lot of
sense.
During the 1990s, many libertarians came to
understand that family, church, business and
other freely-chosen social institutions,
including civil government, play vital roles in
intermediating human relationships, and that
mutual benefit and love could reinforce each
other. Conversely, many conservatives came to
understand that the spirit animating social
institutions has to be consent, or else family,
church, etc., devolve into authoritarian
structures, and destructive of creativity and
happiness. This agenda came to be understood to
be the "neo-liberal" agenda, and
manifested itself in the democratic nations of
the world in a variety of ways.
In the United States, the neo-liberal agenda
manifested itself partly in a centrist
Democratic administration and partly in a
Republican leadership team in the House of
Representatives which included Speaker Newt
Gingrich and Majority Leader Dick Armey. Looking
back, those were the "good old days,"
when selected members of the Republican Party in
the House were effective, behind the scenes and
- in some cases - publicly, in effecting real
changes for personal liberty as well as for
free-market economics. But, looking back, it was
perhaps not realistic to think that Republicans
would long continue the neo-liberal agenda upon
consolidating power.
Looking back, we remember that, in 2000,
candidate Bush talked about a
non-interventionist foreign policy, expanding
free trade, privatizing social security,
promoting parental choice in education,
reforming the tax code, comprehensive
immigration reform, and respecting state laws
regarding medical marijuana. And, perhaps things
might have turned out differently if not for
9-11 and the Bush administration’s
over-reaction. Yes, Osama bin Laden should rot
in hell forever, but, by allowing bin Laden to
goad us into fighting his minions at the times
and in the places of his choosing, our leaders
failed the cause of liberty.
So, today, the Republicans look better than
the Democrats because they (the Republicans)
oppose the efforts of the Democrats, now in the
majority, to force their values upon the nation.
This is not exactly encouraging, as we are
merely engaged in a delaying effort. This
delaying effort is not the same thing as a
renewed commitment to a pragmatic
libertarian-conservative agenda.
Constructing the
Index
This year, as in
past years, I assembled four lists of twenty
votes, one in each of two areas, economic and
political liberty, for each of the two chambers
of the U.S. Congress. Helping me were a couple
trusted associates; although, in the end, the
final decisions were mine. In economic matters,
I identified a range of votes spanning
libertarian concerns, from taxing and spending,
to regulations, to labor, trade, environment and
energy policy. As usual, this didn’t present
much of a problem.
In matters concerning personal liberties, I
encountered some problems, but fewer than most
years. This was because of the vigorous agenda
of the newly-empowered Democrats. In the House
of Representatives, Democrats were busy seeking
to extend legal status and other privileges to
more groups of Americans, agitating for control
of the media by a revival of the fairness
doctrine, and taking away the right of workers
to a secret ballot in union elections. As always
I sought to keep the list of votes balanced as
between personal liberties concerning which
liberals are usually sensitive (such as access
to medical marijuana and carving out a qualified
privilege for journalists), and those concerning
which conservatives are usually sensitive (such
as the free exercise of religion and the right
to keep and bear arms),
For the second year in a row, I noticed that
more Democrats voted to free-up trade with a
communist country (House #749) than with a
democratic country (House #1060). This year, I
have several delicious earmarks in the list of
votes, including "The Home of the Perfect
Christmas Tree" (House #593) and the
Woodstock Cultural Museum (Senate #377). In both
chambers, I have some votes to overturn vetoes
(House #1122 and Senate #406), which, not being
successful, lead to an agreement to conduct the
business of the federal government through the
next year via continuing resolutions.
Complicating the rating of certain members of
Congress were their many absences due to running
for President. This included, on the Senate
side, Joe Biden, Sam Brownback, Hillary Clinton,
Christopher Dodd, and especially John McCain and
Barack Obama. This included, on the House side,
Ron Paul and Tom Tancredo. McCain missed 21 of
the 40 votes included in this year’s index of
the Senate, and Obama 16. On the House side,
Paul missed 10 votes, and Tancredo 6.
Fortunately, given the total number of votes in
each year’s tally, the votes I have for these
gentlemen and lady are still probably
informative.
Chamber Leaders
In the House, we
have a new, surprise winner of the overall, or
combined index, Tom Tancredo of Colorado.
Finishing tied for second were Ron Paul of Texas
and Dana Rohrabacher of California. Last year’s
winner, Jeff Flake of Arizona fell to #7. One
might wonder how things might have turned out if
the House had attempted to do something with
comprehensive immigration reform, or if Tancredo
had not missed a couple particular votes. But,
regardless of these speculations, he did very
well, perhaps reflecting his visible evolution
on the war during the series of Republican
presidential debates. Plus, it’s good to see a
new face in the mix of front-runners.
Number one in the personal liberties
component in the House was Ron Paul. Number one
in the economics component in the House was Jeff
Flake, with our only score of 100 in that
chamber. We had about three dozen Republicans
with only one wrong vote, and about the same
number of Democrats with only one right vote.
As during the past several years, I do not
consider the index in the Senate to be as well
calibrated as that in the House.