2000
Executive Summary
 |
|
Ron
Paul |
We have our
first four-time champion. Congressman Ron Paul
(R-TX) scored a combined 92 and thereby again
finished first in the House of Representatives.
On the Senate side, there was a four-way tie for
first place, with Senators Bennett (R-UT), Gramm
(R-TX), Kyl (R-AZ) and Nickles (R-OK) each
scoring 85.
Other high
scorers in the House of Representatives were
Chabot (R-OH), Hayworth (R-AZ) and Manzullo
(R-IL), with 88, Sanford (R-SC) and Schaffer
(R-CO), with 87, and Cox (R-CA), Istook (R-OK)
and Toomey (R-PA), with 85. One perfect 100 was
achieved, on the economics portion of the index,
by McIntosh (R-IN).
Lowest House
Scores
The
lowest score in the House was registered by
Engel (D-NY). He was one of four Democrats to
achieve a perfectly awful zero, on the economics
portion of the index, the others being Berman
(D-CA), Gephardt (D-MO) and Kennedy (D-RI). By
scoring a zero on the economics portion of the
index, Minority Leader Dick Gephardt established
himself as the true counterpart to Majority
Leader Dick Armey (R-TX), who scored a 100 in a
prior year.
The lowest
scoring Republican in the House was Gilman
(R-NY), with a 30. Six Democrats, all Blue Dogs,
got as high as 69. Congressman Virgil Goode, a
Democrat turned Independent from Virginia who
was endorsed by the Republicans for re-election,
scored a 76 and was categorized as a
"libertarian." Feels good, Virgil, to
be free!
Difficult House
Votes
From the
Republican perspective, the most difficult vote
was continued funding for the Space Station.
Eight Republicans voted completely for free
enterprise except for one vote. Four of these
Republicans voted for continued funding for this
billion dollar techno-boondoggle.
From the
Democratic perspective, the most difficult vote
was liberalizing the embargo on Cuba.
Twenty-four Democrats voted completely against
free enterprise except for one vote. Nineteen of
these Democrats voted for limited trade with
that communist country. We who believe in free
trade believe it will be mutually-beneficial and
will, in the long run, undermine authoritarian
rule in that country. What must those nineteen
extremists in the Democrat Party be thinking?
Senate High
Scores
In the
Senate, a four-way tie for first place, with
Senators Bennett (R-UT), Gramm (R-TX), Kyl
(R-AZ) and Nickles (R-OK) each scoring 85. Other
high scorers were Grams (R-MN), Gregg (R-NH) and
Hatch (R-UT), 84, Santorum (R-PA), 83, and Crapo
(R-ID) and McConnell (R-KY), 82. One perfect 100
was achieved, on the economics portion of the
index, by Kyl.
Senate Low Scores
The
lowest scores in the Senate were registered by
Reed (D-RI), 12, and Reid (D-NV), 13, which
brings up the old saying, "Beware of
Democrats in the Senate whose names are
pronounced ‘Read’." One perfectly awful
zero was achieved, on the economics portion of
the index, by Wellstone (D-MN).
Difficult Senate
Votes
From the
Republican perspective, the most difficult vote
was continued authorization of
heavily-subsidized crop insurance. Five
Republicans voted completely for free enterprise
except for one vote. Four of these Republicans
voted for continued authorization of
heavily-subsidized crop insurance.
From the
Democratic perspective, there was no
identifiable "most difficult vote."
Three Democrats voted completely against free
enterprise except for one vote, each on
different votes.
Index Compilation
As the
past, the 2000 Liberty Index of Congress is
based on eighty roll call votes, forty each in
the U.S. House of Representatives and the U.S.
Senate. Twenty of these votes, in each house,
address economic liberty, including votes on
spending, taxing and regulatory policy. The
other twenty address personal liberty, including
freedom of speech and of religion, the right to
keep and bear arms, equality before the law, and
the proper deference of the federal government
to the primacy of the individual, of the
voluntary associations into which individuals
join, and of local government.
This year, votes
concerning economic liberty included the overall
level of spending, subsidies to a variety of
industries, elimination of the marriage tax
penalty and of the estate tax, land policy and
free trade. Votes concerning personal liberty
included intervention in the internal affairs of
Colombia and of Kosovo, federal regulation of
religious organizations and of firearms, choice
in education, equal rights, the tobacco
settlement, and campaign finance reform.
As always, care
was taken to insure that the final list of votes
was fair in representing the libertarian
viewpoint. For example, in the economics portion
of the index, to have both votes in which the
libertarian position coincided with the
parochial interests of "the west" and
votes in which the libertarian position
coincided with the parochial interests of
"the east." Also, so as to
differentiate among members of Congress along a
scale from Authoritarian
(0,0) to Libertarian (100,100), to have some
"easy" votes as well as some
"tough" votes.
Rating
Considerations
As in the
past, it was more difficult to assemble the
votes for the personal liberties portion of the
index. The main reason for this, we believe, is
that the political spectrum has not yet
completely re-positioned itself along the
authoritarian to libertarian axis. There remain
many people who continue to think like
old-fashioned Liberals and Conservatives. We
therefore have to infer a libertarian viewpoint
from the available votes concerning personal
liberties.
Having mentioned
the re-positioning of the political spectrum, it
should pointed out that in the twelve years that
I have been constructing an annual Liberty
Index, a partial shift has been evident. Very
few members of Congress fall along the
old-fashioned Liberal to Conservative axis.
While Republicans still suffer some
inconsistencies in their dedication to liberty,
it is clear that they are better on economic
issues and no worse on issues of personal
liberty.
Even the word
"libertarian" is assuming a new
meaning in political discussion, something like
a Conservative who is "principled" or
"consistent," and who is more
concerned with policy than with partisan
political advantage. Congressman Bob Barr
(R-GA), who came to the 2000 Republic Liberty
Caucus convention in Atlanta, Georgia, is
representative of this "new" meaning.
While we continue to disagree on certain issues,
regarding most issues before the Congress, we
are mainly in agreement.
Increasingly,
our small but growing numbers in the legislative
chambers of our country, both at the state level
as well as at the federal level, are viewing
people such as Barr as allies in our great
cause. Just as we believe free trade with people
living under authoritarian rule will, in the
long-run, spread human rights, so too we should
believe that interaction with people like Barr
will likewise advance the cause of liberty.

Clifford
F. Thies e-mail
Past Chairman, Republican Liberty Caucus
Professor of Economics and Finance
at Shenandoah University
|